Does Microcredit Really Help Poor People? How? And how do we know?

by Richard Rosenberg : Monday, October 5, 2009

Since microcredit first came to public attention in the 1980′s, the usual story line has been that it funds creation and expansion of microenterprises, producing  additional income that lifts the borrowers’ households out of poverty.  But is it true?

It has been clear for some years now that many–sometimes most–microborrowers in fact use their loan proceeds for non-business purposes.  Recent analysis has cast doubt on some of the older research studies that found that microcredit increases household income.  A new generation of more rigorous randomized studies is now in the works.  The first two of them to be published have not found evidence that microcredit raised household income and consumption, at least over the 1-1.5 year term of the studies.  Does this mean that microcredit might have been a bad idea all these years?  I’ve just drafted a brief paper on this question.  The paper should be available in a month or two, but in the meantime let me trot out its core arguments.

I think an honest appraisal of the current state of the evidence is that we simply do not know whether microcredit raises incomes and consumption.  If the case for microfinance depended on whether it was lifting people out of poverty, then the appropriate response right now would probably be to declare a moratorium on support for microfinance until further research clarifies this question more.

I’ve worked in microfinance for over a quarter of a century, and I’ve always been agnostic about whether microcredit raises incomes. But I’m pretty sure that it does some other things that are very important to poor people, helping them to cope with poverty whether or not it helps them escape poverty.  These other benefits are described compellingly in the brilliant new book Portfolios of the Poor by Daryl Collins et al., which gives a high-resolution picture of how low-income households actually use financial services, based on hundreds of 18-month-long financial diaries in three countries.  Portfolios points out that the problem with being poor is not just that  income is low, but also that it tends to be uneven and vulnerable to disruption.  Given the variability and vulnerability of their income, poor households have to save and borrow constantly (more so than richer households) in order to put food on the table and meet other consumption needs.  The informal credit and savings mechanisms they have tend to be unreliable.  They value formal microfinance highly because it is more reliable, even if it is often less flexible than their other tools to manage their cash flow.

When we hear that microcredit may not lift people out of poverty, we tend to be disappointed, and regard consumption-smoothing as a “mere palliative.”  But we react this way only because our own basic consumption needs are seldom if ever threatened.  As Portfolios demonstrates, poor people see it very differently.

I think there is strong evidence that poor people find microcredit very valuable in helping to deal with their circumstances.  When you offer microcredit in a new setting, you almost never have to advertise:  customers come out of the woodwork in droves.  Most of them come back for additional loans.  Most important, they usually repay those loans at extremely high rates year after year, when the main motive to repay is not collateral or group pressure, but rather their desire to keep future access to a service they find very helpful.  They are voting with their feet.

But does microcredit hurt a lot of poor people by over-indebting them?  We need more work on this question, but I think the general answer is very probably no.  When a lender is over-indebting a lot of borrowers in a bad situation, sooner or later it will show up high default rates, just as it did in the current financial crisis.  But the predominant pattern is that the vast majority of microborrowers repay at very high levels year after year (cf. my posting a couple of weeks ago on repayment rates).

When all is said and done, a year of microcredit probably doesn’t help poor people as much as a year of girls’ primary education (for instance).  The value proposition of microcredit, and microfinance more generally, is that each “dose” costs far less.  Education, health, and many other social services require large subsidies year after year.  When microfinance is done right–and only when it’s done right–small one-time initial subsidies can generate service delivery to very large numbers of people year after year.  Not only is no further subsidy needed, but microfinance providers can leverage their initial subsidies with very large multiples of commercial funds.   This is not a pipe dream–it’s happening already in dozens, even hundreds, of cases all over the world.  For instance, BancoSol in Bolivia represents a few million dollars of donor subsidies in the mid-1990s that have turned into $200 million of loan portfolio and services for 300,000 active savers and borrowers as of the end of 2008.  Whether donors and other public funders now lose interest in microfinance is pretty much irrelevant to such MFIs.

For me, this is the strong value proposition of microfinance.  The benefits of each dose may turn out to be more modest than some have claimed, but poor people really value those doses, and you can buy an awful lot of them with relatively little subsidy.  We certainly need further research on the nature and extent of benefits of microfinance, but I  think it’s a very good bet that the observed behavior of millions of microborrowers is telling us that those benefits more than justify the investment.

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  1. October 8th, 2009 at 4:11 am, Michael ()

    What if microcredit was used to develop an asset; one that in itself because of its very nature makes the owner wealthier. I think the less discussed aspect of housing microfinance falls here. In my mind the odds are much much higher for it to really help people.

  • October 9th, 2009 at 12:38 pm, Elie Hassenfeld ()

    Mr. Rosenberg. You write , “When you offer microcredit in a new setting, you almost never have to advertise: customers come out of the woodwork in droves. Most of them come back for additional loans.” I haven’t seen data that directly addresses the degree to which microfinance clients return for additional loans. Is there any data/research you can point me to on this issue? Thanks.

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  • October 11th, 2009 at 2:53 am, V.Rengarajan ()

    Richard’s queries on micro credit are candid and refreshing too albeit a belated one. However they provoke me to probe on certain fundamentals of micro credit , the fact ignored or neglected in the past by the proponents of Micro finance.. Unless these fundamentals, as referred below, are better appreciated, candid answers to his queries would be difficult to be honest..
    MF Data ‘prima facie’ shows that millions of micro borrowers are benefited and also appear to justify the investment.. But basically who are they? Do they include the poorest, marginalized and vulnerable? Do they belong to only creamy layer having some wherewithal and skill for income generation in the poverty segment? While this section of the poor who are capable of making positive impact from micro credit also need to be covered, will too much focus on them lead to widening the equity gap even among the poor community ? Do MF data (MIX) include non poor also? Does the poor find MFI system as reliable as formal one? Does MF suffer ethically? How long the poorest have to wait for ‘inclusion’? If MF system failed to rope them in , is there any other alternative one for the said purpose? Any identity crisis?
    Are we well placed in the trajectory for uplifting the poorest on one hand and for halving the number of the poor people through MF platform in terms of MDG goals? Is the present performance in MF sector of any indication of candid progress in the battle against poverty? In the context of presence of ‘inequity’ base reflected in the ‘profile of the poor’ in terms of economic disparities, social inequalities , variable physical capabilities (A.Sen), highly susceptible to vulnerability within the poor people given in any area/region, can a single input ‘micro credit alone ‘ that too highly structured, do the ;magic’(income generation) in the so called Micro finance game? Does mere accessibility to finance, guarantee the expected impact? When we universally recognized both the various financial and non financial needs ( capacity building, backward and forward linkages provided either by the same or some other institutions mainly for enhancing the productivity of credit) of the poor, do the MF players ensure supply of all the above inputs for a sustainable jump over the poverty canvas.? What does specifically signify the word ‘ Micro’ prefixed to credit or finance? What makes subtle difference between micro finance or micro credit and bank credit or informal credit for that matter? Is it an ‘ old wine in a new bottle’ ?Does micro credit lending through MFI represent another mode of usury? What is the difference between Micro finance and Micro credit? Is the credit is misused under the popular brand name ‘Micro finance? Any conceptual crisis? ( for clarity on the MF concept: my posting in the BLOG as responses – Change, Growing gone…., What is Micorfinance? The New Micro finance? )
    When the portfolio of the poor portrays different socio economic layers among the poor and varied priorities, is it not necessary for designing product differentiation and sequencing the MF inputs ( micro insurance, capacity building, micro savings, micro credit etc.) matching to their needs? In the context of over consumption smoothing ( conspicuous consumption) multiple borrowing and debt trap in the poverty sector ‘Is micro credit a ‘forbidden apple’? Does group system for micro financing facilitate for inclusion or exclusion of the poorest? Why Micro Insurance , an important component of MF having potential values in the process of poverty reduction, remain ‘ Cinderella ? Do Investors / Creditors/ MFIs find the poor as lucrative market ‘niche’ for their commercial lending business at a high social and ethical cost? Does higher repayment year after year mean more number of poor raising above poverty line? MFI turned NGOs were able to make significant social and economic impact of the poor earlier as NGO playing as intermediary role in Micro financing .and gained popularity among the poor community. But after becoming MFI, they are tied up more with financial engineering than social engineering and lost the popularity. Is the fact true?
    Further research is needed to find out with more focus on ‘who are exactly benefited within the poor segment ? and how to include the poorest or marginalized or ultra poor and sequence the needed inputs strategically for them ,? than on the nature and extent of micro finance? While we had enough on the technicalities of funding /delivery /supply mechanism lacking adoptability and adjustment and adherence. in the context of variability and vulnerability of the poor, it is high time to probe How to deliver the integrated MF inputs ( not MC alone) to the bottom layer of the poor by the same institution or some others institution jointly ?
    Finally, there is a wide gap between the concept and practice in MF arena. If the present functioning of MF system fail to help really the poor, can we contemplate a ‘ denonvo’ conceptualization of MF for the exclusive coverage of the poorest ?

  • October 12th, 2009 at 2:25 am, S Santhanam ()

    Dear Sir
    Impact of micro-finance on income depends on a number of factors. When income generating activities are undertaken with marketing support (in case of production activities, chances of getting higher income also increase and their moving out of poverty. But, in a country like India, there are still a very large segment of poor, particularly rural poor, do not have access to savings and credit services from the formal financial institutions. They also have propensity to save in the form of thrift (by foregoing certain expenditure. Their desire to save has been recognised by micro-finance and not by any other strategies. Using micro-finance, thanks to servicces of organisations like CGAP, has become a strategy for governments to provide basic financial services to the poor through the formal financial institutions. In that respect, contribution of micro-finance for the overall welfare of the poor is significant.

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  • October 24th, 2009 at 1:41 am, Monwuba Nonso ()

    I think this is a very important discourse that bothers on the existence of MFIs. As a resident of Nigeria, hopes have been dashed on the possibility of Micro Finance to help in alleviating poverty. Consider this for example, a situation where micro finance institutions basically for the poor get themselves in stiff competition with the conventional banks, wanting to drive the same cars with them and operate in the same types of buildings as offices. By the time this is done, I wonder the funds that will be left available to the banks to give out as credit to the poor.

    Secondly, I discovered that most of their clients have not been able to access their funds, though this is due to a peculiar problem. Most of the deposits kept with these small institutions were used to purchase shares from the Nigerian Capital Market before the market nose-dived. This has led to loss of huge sums of Naira that has already began to threaten the existence of some MFIs in Nigeria.

  • October 26th, 2009 at 12:04 am, John Lothman ()

    Great points about the true impact of MF in comparison with other forms of development like female education. So often we hear the positives of microfinance, which I am not dismissing. However, in order to accurately the extent of a difference MF and MFI’s make we must look at the whole picture. What structure is actually best for MF to operate in, with existing development strategies as a more latter stage method or can MF be applied without accompanying investments from private, government or NGO’s? Another question that I often contemplate is how greatly the positive growth and great publicity for MF has impacted the mindset of managers who continually think of expansion rather than long term sustainability of their respective MFI’s. What will happen when the growth phase of MFI’s reaches maturity, or when economic conditions actually have an affect on the growth of MF (unlike the current environment from what I have read). I believe in the underlying story behind the success of microfinance, but believe that it must be done right and due diligence must be exercised on the part of donors when evaluating choices in this field.

  • November 4th, 2009 at 9:47 am, Sophie Chitedze ()

    The issue that determines whether microcredit/microfinance improves incomes of people and reduces poverty levels depends on the delivery mechanisms, the strategies used, etc. Very many times, I have seen that poor people are enticed to get loans and yet the delivery organization’s aim is solely to make profits and success is measured through indicators like “default rates, delinquent loans, repayment rates, etc-not a win-win between the provider and the client” without much concern about whether lives are changing. Most of the time, such loans are given out without systematically checking credit worthiness, capacity to manage by members and the poor are always left out – because credit is not what they need most, it is savings services.

    What I have seen working beyond doubt and which no one can convince me otherwise is that microcredit reduces poverty levels if it incorporates the poor and unbanked into informal self managed savings led microfinance services and incrementally graduates them into formal microfinance clients voluntarily. Clients education on financial products helps them choose options to access. Just pumping huge billions of cash to people in form of credit without without working out the how, what, when, to who and why does not yield any good and has put me off several times when most of what is discussed in microfinance forums is microcredit and not micro savings that lead to microcredit and incremental graduation to formal financial services.

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  • November 17th, 2009 at 3:38 am, Sadananda Paul ()

    Micro Finance is easy for discussion. But its implication is not so easy. A lot of NGOs providing Micro Credit. Some of the NGOs operating Micro Credit for their organizational financial sustainability. Those who are providing Micro Finance they have social responsibility. Maximum fails motivate people. So a negative impression caries those NGOs who are actually trying to do disadvantage people. If they overcome this they need to opperate another pacage program. Those who will work as a organizer they have to capability to motivate the people. In the present situation the field staffs are not convinced unskill, less motivation, less knowledge about their job. they must know the answer of these question-
    * What is Micro Finance?
    * Why Micro Finance?
    * Who will get Micro Finance ? (Specify the Indicator)
    * Why huge number of organization operating MF?
    * What is commercialization and Socialization?
    * Why I will do this kind of job?
    * What is the nature of the job.
    * From MF really the recevier will benifitted?

  • December 15th, 2009 at 11:52 am, FCRWizard ()

    Being a microcredit practitioner of last two decades in Bangladesh, my experience that only microcredit is not sufficient enough to creating an enabling sustainable position for poor. But microcredit plus (microcredit plus means health, education, skill development training and market linkage) definitely is an effective tool for poverty reduction. From my own organizational experience (Eco Social Development Organization, Bangladesh) more than ten thousand success story shown the effective role of microcredit plus programs.

  • January 18th, 2010 at 1:36 am, Anita Sharma ()

    Sir, you have raised doubts about whether microcredit really lifts poor households out of poverty and argued that most of the borrowers use microcredit for non-business purposes, and therefore it is uncertain that it increases household income.
    Indeed, poor households use microcredit for different purposes, and creation/promotion of businesses for income enhancement is one of them. Consumption smoothing is another important purpose of micro loans, which can play an important role in the alleviation of poverty. Therefore, the overall impact of microcredit needs to be understood in a broader sense than just as impacting on reducing income poverty.
    We now have some strong evidences from the field which show that the benefits of microcredit are indeed significant in the lives of the poor. For example, ‘Portfolios of the Poor’ by Daryl Collins et al. show that savings and credit services help the poor to deal with different vulnerabilities in their lives. The RCT study on the impact of microfinance by Abhijit Banerjee et al. reports the creation of durable assets by those households which own businesses, and increase in consumption by those which do not intend to start businesses.
    These results from empirical studies clearly show that access to microcredit helps the poor in tiding over various situations arising from their small, uncertain and irregular incomes. This is an important contribution in helping them cope with poverty – a point that you also subscribe to – and a step in helping them out of various forms of poverty, including income poverty.
    Further, we should not perceive that microfinance, and other social programmes such as health and education compete for financial resources (subsidy). Access to education is fundamental, and access to primary education, particularly of girls, can certainly enhance opportunities for these households. However, that doesn’t make access to financial services less important. Continuous and reliable source of financial services can have a significant impact on the poor households in the long run; even leading to a rise in the health and education status of poor households.
    Overall, access to microcredit offers several pathways to households to cope with poverty, which is bound to have an impact on their income levels subsequently. Thus, we should understand the contribution of microcredit to alleviating poverty in a much broader sense than just in increasing incomes.

  • February 17th, 2010 at 6:10 am, John Mac ()

    Great ‘covering the waterfront’ article – thanks.

    So there is no evidence that micro-credit helps people to raise incomes. That’s sobering, after 25 years of it.

    You ask, ‘But are we looking for impact in the right place?’

    IMO, yes: the main rationale for micro-credit has always been: Loan > new or expanded businsess > poverty alleviation.

    You go on to say: ‘Whether or not financial services lift people out of poverty, they are vital tools in helping them to cope with poverty.’

    Then you enumerate some of the ways. So I can get at them more clearly, can I break down your points into phrase form?

    Microcredit:

    1. ‘smoothes’ erratic income patterns (making it easier to meet daily expenses).

    2 helps people deal with emergencies like health problems

    3. helps people to accumulate the larger sums they need to seize opportunities (occasionally including business opportunities)

    4. …and pay for big-ticket expenses like education…

    5. …weddings…

    6. …or funerals…

    1. ‘Income-smoothing’ is hard to argue with per se, however if ‘flows into and out of financial instruments (mainly loans and savings) ranged from 75 to 500 percent of annual income’, this means a colossal interest burden is added to the family’s existing outgoings. Thus does access to credit help them in the medium-term? Isn’t there a fair case to be made that the interest burden at least counter-balances the income-smoothing?

    2. Health emergencies: Whilst getting a child to hospital once might even save its life, does it not also (via the aforementioned interest burden) decrease the ability to get a family member to hospital the next time?

    3. Business opportunities. You have established that there is no evidence micro-credit enhances the ability to profit from these opportunities.

    4. Education. This one is plausible: an educated person may go on to earn a better income & thus pay off the loan. You don’t cite any evidence that this happens, though I confess it seems far more likely than not.

    5. Weddings. In the developing world there is an endless cycle of (often long & expensive) celebrations for weddings, births and funerals. But a client making reasonably high interest payments on money borrowed for a wedding will be in less of a position to stump up for the next wedding – or baptism or funeral.

    6. Funerals. See 5.

    In short, there is no evidence that microcredit fulfils its primary goal (income-generation via micro-enterprises), and the ‘consumption-smoothing’ evidence for big ticket expenses and emergencies has the big downside of lowering the client’s overall liquidity.

    I’m not sure that this adds up to much of a case for micro-credit.

    The other ‘pillars’ you mention are:

    1. Clients in the ‘Portfolios’ study valued the MFIs’ ‘reliability’. This is great, but thus far there isn’t much evidence that it amounts to much more than a socio-psychological enhancement. One could perhaps think of a less expensive arrangement.

    2. Millions of people throughout the developing world have ‘voted with their feet’. Undeniably true. However millions of people throughout the developed world have done the same vis a vis credit cards and unaffordable mortgages. Popularity doesn’t equate with social benefit. The micro-credit ‘movement’ may be a lot more than mere credit addiction – but we would need to see the evidence.

    3. High repayment/low default rates. Again, impressive per se – but (to water down your heroin analogy a little) publicans who run tabs might make the same assertion – with (for all we know, considering the absence of evidence) as little claim to social benefit.

    4. ‘Clients find microfinance services so valuable that they are typically willing to pay high interest rates on loans, and accept minimal or no return on savings.’ I’m not sure that this constitutes a plus.

    5. Customers usually come back for more. See 3., re publicans.

    6. Probably no debt trap (borrowing to pay off borrowings). Assuming this is true (you did say ‘this presumption needs to be tested by further research‘, this is good, but is still the absence of a negative rather than the presence of a positive.

    Finally, whilst micro-lending is usually sustainable – no ongoing subsidies, as with, say, the education system – ‘it seems unlikely that a year of microlending helps poor people as much as a year of girls’ primary education…’ I’d call that a 1-all draw.

    Of course absence of evidence is not evidence of absence. I would like for someone (or some new studies) to prove me wrong. My bias is very much to micro-credit, not against. But as one considering opening a micro-credit arm of an NGO, I need a little convincing yet of the value of doing so.

    In the meantime, thankyou again for your ground-breaking article.

  • February 19th, 2010 at 4:00 pm, Bhalchander Vishwanath ()

    Hi Rick,

    I read Abhijit Banerjee at al’s recent paper of “The miracle of microfinance? Evidence from a randomized Evaluation” with a more discerning eye recently.

    http://econ-www.mit.edu/files/4161

    Here is what it says :
    “On balance our results show significant and not insubstantial impact on both how many new businesses get started and the profitability of pre-existing businesses. We also do see significant impacts on the purchase of durables, and especially business durables. However there is no impact on average consumption, although the effects are heterogenous, and as we will argue later, there may well be a delayed positive effect on consumption. Nor is there any discernible effect on any of the human development outcomes, though, once again, it is possible that things will be different in the long run.”

    “Households with an existing business at the time of the program invest in durable goods, and their profits increase.”

    “Existing business owners see a large and significant increase in business profits of more than Rs. 5,300 per month (significant at 5% level).” ( The loan size was between Rs. 10,000 and Rs. 20,000).

    To me that indicates that microcredit does increase profits for existing businesses. That to me is a great thumbs up for microcredit. What do you think of it?

    I would like to know more about the statement ‘When all is said and done, a year of microcredit probably doesn’t help poor people as much as a year of girls’ primary education (for instance)’.

    Would you have some studies which show the impact of a year of girls primary education by itself or in comparison with microcredit?

    Thanks

    Bhalchander

  • February 23rd, 2010 at 9:32 am, Richard Rosenberg ()

    A few responses to John Mac’s very thoughtful piece:

    –The income smoothing is done, not just through high-interest loans, but also through low or zero interest loans from friends and family, and through savings, which sometimes use interest revenue. All that considered, it’s still probably true that most financially active lower-income households have substantial interest expenditures. Bob Christen did a study years ago that looked a microborrowers’ interest payments to MFIs as a % of household cashflow and usually found striking low percentages.

    –When households operate near the edge in terms of basic consumption needs, the value of income-smoothing can get very high, more than justifying the use of high interest finance to avoid it. I once asked a woman who’d been with an Indian MFI for 3 years whether she thought her family had more to eat over the course of the year as a result. She guessed no. I asked her why she was still bothering with the MFI. She looked at me like I had a hole in my head, and said, “Now we eat every day.”

    –You’re making a broad suggestion that the interest charge balances out (and thus negates) the range of benefits the loans (and not just loans, let’s remember) are supposed to provide. We need more research on costs vs benefits in individual household economies, but I think the burden of proof lies against your argument. It could be made about the price that anyone pays for anything.

    –I think it’s important to look at the fact that people sometimes make decisions that conflict with their own interests. But I also think it’s important to see that the vast majority of people’s decisions do in fact support their interests, at least as they define them.

  • February 23rd, 2010 at 9:56 am, Richard Rosenberg ()

    Oops, continuation of my thought’s on John Mac’s piece.

    Household finance involves people paying money for time. Before I conclude that most of those decisions are dumb, I’d want to see some pretty substantial evidence. As Collins et al pointed out APR calculations may not be a helpful way to weigh things. When I pay $10 for a taxi to take me 2 miles to a meeting, my annualized rate (i.e. what using a taxi would cost me if I used it for all 20,000 miles I drive a year) would be $100,000. This latter information is not very relevant to my taxi decision today.

    –Your interesting bar tab analogy…. I think high repayment suggests that people really value the loans, and should create something of a presumption that the loans are playing a useful role in making their lives better. That presumption is rebuttable, of course, and in your bar tab case we have considerable evidence of some pretty noxious and widespread effects of the product. BUT the other thing that high repayment demonstrates is that you’re getting few people into FINANCIAL trouble, e.g., debt traps. When high renewal rates don’t come from debt traps (or alcohol addiction), I think there’s a higher likelihood that the purchase decisions are in general wise ones.

    As to a one-all draw between subsidized education and unsubsubsides microfinance, I wouldn’t want to declare a draw in the absence of numbers. It all depends on how quantifying specific cost in subsidy and specific benefits. I was certainly not argue for microfinance as a more effective tool than education. I was only trying to point out that the real value proposition in microfinance seemed to be its ability to deliver massive amounts of service with minor subsidy, rather its services being more powerful than other development services on a dose-by-dose comparison.

    But finally, I think the questions you raise are legitimate ones. In my intuitive assessment of the incomplete evidence I’m probably more bullish than you, but I wouldn’t want to claim that there’s anything like an ironclad case for microfinance right now.

    Thanks for you analysis

  • February 23rd, 2010 at 10:09 am, Richard Rosenberg ()

    Bhalchander Vishwanath is correct to point out that the Bannerjee study has some good things to say about microcredit that were not reflected in my brief characterization of the current RCT studies.

    For me, the important point about the research situation is NOT that the good studies have shown us that microcredit doesn’t help household income and consumption (for one thing, nowhere near enough of those studies have been done yet, especially longitudinal studies.) My point, rather, is that when looked at as a whole, the available econometric research simply doesn’t yet give us an answer to the big question of whether microfinance gets people out of poverty, (and that until research does give a more robuts answer, we should STOP SAYING the microfinance gets people out of poverty.

    As to microfinance vs women’s primary education, I don’t follow that literature and can’t give you a cite. I offered that guess based on hearing from my colleagues who work on education that it’s a lot easier to test the impact of education on income, at least in a free labor market. On average,how much does each year of education add to a person’s earning potential. I understand that studies generally find that a year of education produces substantial increments in the salary a person can command. We don’t have much solid evidence linking microfinance to income that way.

  • February 24th, 2010 at 10:49 pm, John Mac ()

    Thanks again Richard.

    I especially appreciate the open & unideological nature of the discussion: one could hardly imagine an association of credit card providers offering an online forum in which one of their experts conceded that credit cards were not all they were cracked up to be.

    I don’t think we’re too far apart on microcredit. Personally, I would love for it to be proven to elevate incomes, but like you I just don’t think the evidence is there (yet?).

    RICHARD:
    “–The income smoothing is done, not just through high-interest loans, but also through low or zero interest loans from friends and family, and through savings, which sometimes use interest revenue.”

    I have no problem with any of that, needless to say. But I’ll confine my responses to microcredit, which was the topic of your article & my post.

    RICHARD:
    “All that considered, it’s still probably true that most financially active lower-income households have substantial interest expenditures. Bob Christen did a study years ago that looked a microborrowers’ interest payments to MFIs as a % of household cashflow and usually found striking low percentages.”

    The first & second sentences seem to be at odds – different sets of observations I guess…?

    I find it hard to square Christen’s finding with the fact that loans (& savings) constitute 75-500% of annual income in the study you cite.

    And that in several studies the main motivation for repaying on time is to secure another loan – which suggests that borrowers tend to keep on borrowing.

    In a nutshell, these poor people appear to borrow a lot of money, relative to their incomes, which suggests that their annual interest burden must be fairly high.

    YOU:
    “–When households operate near the edge in terms of basic consumption needs, the value of income-smoothing can get very high, more than justifying the use of high interest finance to avoid it. I once asked a woman who’d been with an Indian MFI for 3 years whether she thought her family had more to eat over the course of the year as a result. She guessed no. I asked her why she was still bothering with the MFI. She looked at me like I had a hole in my head, and said, “Now we eat every day.””

    I accept that it would be pretty hard to tell a family on the breadline:

    ‘The interest you pay on your loans reduces the overall amount of food you can buy. So you should go hungry some days, because borrowing to eat every day means you will eat less overall.’

    However if we did tell them that, we would not be lying. In short, it seems that what borrowers are doing is exchanging irregular nutrition for lower nutrition.

    My case would be that if that’s all that’s happening with MC, the money would be better spent elsewhere.

    YOU:
    “–You’re making a broad suggestion that the interest charge balances out (and thus negates) the range of benefits the loans (and not just loans, let’s remember) are supposed to provide. We need more research on costs vs benefits in individual household economies, but I think the burden of proof lies against your argument. It could be made about the price that anyone pays for anything.”

    Firstly, I was only talking about loans. The other aspects of MF introduce complicating factors that would require a separate discussion (& probably a much longer one).

    From your article, so far as loans are concerned, there is no evidence that they lift incomes or reduce poverty.

    In that light, I would argue that the burden of proof now lies with microcredit proponents – because millions (billions?) of dollars are being spent by NGOs & departments of social welfare on microcredit schemes, which might be better spent on projects that bring more proven results.

    As for purely commercial MC providers, the lack of proven benefit raises questions about exploitation of the poor, & stronger regulation.

    YOU:
    “–I think it’s important to look at the fact that people sometimes make decisions that conflict with their own interests. But I also think it’s important to see that the vast majority of people’s decisions do in fact support their interests, at least as they define them.”

    Yes, that’s another tricky moral question. Does the publican continue to serve the alcoholic (it’s his life, after all)? And does the MC provider continue to run the tap of credit for families which demand it, even when it means they have less money overall for food, medical, education, etc (but have more access & predictability)?

    Final thoughts:

    1. For me, MC remains ‘unproven’ – no-one quite knows what is going on yet – rather than ‘a demonstrable failure’.

    2. Given that there are some anti-poverty strategies that do work (e.g. vocational training; establishing new industries), energies & funds meantime would be better directed to them.

    For the record, I suspect that MC provided as an adjunct to vocational training does work: we sometimes give our vocational training grads here in Cambodia microcredit, & anecdotally they seem mostly to use it to establish successful small businesses.

    More speculatively, the same might be true for MC provided to anyone with a clear business plan and a strong desire to start a small business – so long as you could weed out the ‘income-smoothers’.

    However we need studies on all that too.

    Can I suggest that instead of funding another microcredit scheme somewhere, the multilateral banks put a million or three into some really good studies?

  • February 28th, 2010 at 3:29 am, John Mac ()

    A PS:

    This is from a study of land-titling in Cambodia (1,232 families surveyed), which scooped up some interesting data on micro-credit as well:

    http://www.cdri.org.kh/webdata/confpap/landtitlingrural.htm

    You really only need to read the first sentence:

    “Productive investments accounted for 36.0 percent of all credit activity within the survey group, including small businesses (12.0 percent), agricultural production (14.4 percent), and animal raising (9.6 percent). Male-headed households borrowed more for agriculture and business activities, while female-headed households borrowed more for animal raising activities. Healthcare (21.7 percent) and food shortages (17.9 percent), however, accounted for almost 40.0 percent of all loans. A similar percentage of male- and female-headed households borrowed for health care, while a greater percentage of female-headed households borrowed to cover food shortages. The remaining loans (24.5 percent) were for other activities, including social ceremonies, home construction, and transportation.”

    36% isn’t so bad. (I’d have imagined worse.)

  • March 1st, 2010 at 3:32 pm, Richard Rosenberg ()

    A couple of quick points re John Mac’s comments…

    The woman who borrowed (at about 25%, if I recall correctly) was poor but not dumb. She was perfectly well aware that the money she spent on interest was unavailable for future food purchases. What she was buying with her interest payment was time. If she had spent the money on medical expenses, or her daughter’s education, or a television, it would also have been unavailable for food. She thinks it’s better for her family to eat today, notwithstanding the interest expense of doing so. Are you saying she’s probably wrong? If so, on what basis.

    Being a microfinance proponent (I am)is not the same as being in favor of the hundreds of millions in subsidies that are being spent on it (I am not). I think a substantial portion of the money donors put into microfinance (mainly microcredit) is wasted. I’ve always argued for less, not more, microfinance funding. As I said in the blog and a paper I’ve published since, I think there are good (not conclusive) reasons to think that microfinance, including microcredit, gives poor people tools that they find very useful in household cash management. These benefits are probably considerably less than what people get from health or education inputs, on a person-year basis. If this is true, then small subsidies for microfinance that becomes self-sustaining quite soon make sense, while large continuing subisidies would indeed be better spent elsewhere, at least until we have evidence of stronger benefits for microfinance (like getting lots of people out of poverty.

    Finally, I am NOT saying that if people want something it must be good for them. In your publican analogy, we have strong evidence that substantial percentages of the users get in very serious trouble (alcoholism rates of 4-10%), and this evidence justifies suspending in this case the presumption people normally buy what’s good for them. In the case of microcredit, so far at least, we see only a tiny proportion of borrowers being unable to repay their loans (a form of trouble considerably less serious than alcoholism), which I think is a reasonable (again, not conclusive) indication that microcredit, unlike alcohol, isn’t getting tons of people into trouble.

  • March 1st, 2010 at 3:49 pm, Richard Rosenberg ()

    One more thought…

    The 75-500% of household income that the financial diary households were moving in and out of financial instruments was a cash flow measure, including frequently repeated movements of principal in and out of savings as well as MFI and informal loans. Many of the latter are interest-free.

    If you look at the 15 financial cashflows beginning at page 217 of Portfolios of the Poor, you will see that the actual point-in-time balance of loans outstanding is a very small fraction of the financial turnover (in-and-out cash flow). Also, that MFI loans, where present, are usually less than half of the family’s point-in-time credit balance. Beyond that, the study did not indicate how much interest was paid. These results are in no way inconsistent with Christen’s findings.

  • March 5th, 2010 at 2:23 am, John Mac ()

    Thanks again for your thoughtful responses, Richard.

    I don’t get the sense that we disagree about much.

    Basically, we both suspect that MC may help poor people in very specific circumstances, but believe there is not enough evidence of its broad beneficial affect.

    In light of that, we shall shelve our plans for a broad MC scheme here in Cambodia.

  • March 17th, 2010 at 7:05 am, Richard Rosenberg ()

    I think John Mac is right that there is a lot of agreement between our positions. One difference, however, is that I do think there is substantial though certainly not conclusive evidence of a broad beneficial effect.

    That being said, I have no argument with anyone who decides in a particular circumstance to shelve a microfinance project in favor of some other development intervention.

  • March 17th, 2010 at 10:15 am, mike Karanja ()

    Thanks Richard, for your timely food for thought. I have not done academic research on the usefulness of MFIs to the poor, but I can tell you that many households in kenya cannnot put food on the table because they are now in acircle to service debts from MFIs.
    Mike

  • March 17th, 2010 at 4:14 pm, seth ()

    I am currently doing a research on how microcredit help in the alleviation of poverty in rural ghana. the findings are astonishing, i think it is rather creating problems for the poor because most of them doesnt use the money for any economic activity that will guarantee them a future return. it is rather letting them get “stuck in poverty” (sach,etal 2004)

  • March 18th, 2010 at 2:14 am, Vinod Kothari ()

    When credit becomes easy, creditor becomes uneasy – the adage may be age old, and yet repeated often enough because people cyclically tend to forget it. So, cyclically, there is an oversupply in a financing market, and the result is the savings & loans crisis of the early 1980s in the USA, or subprime mortgage crisis of 2007-8. The oversupply brings things to a crash, and then there is overcaution, leading to complete drying up of a market. In other words, the market for finance, like the pendulum of the clock, does not reach a balance – it constantly continues to search for a balance.

    Microfinance is currently in an overdrive format. The reasons are not difficult to understand. Private equity investors are chasing microfinance entrepreneurs. The build-operate-grow-sell model seems to be attracting entrepreneurs imagination. The model is like this – build a microfinance institution, quickly grow branches and borrowers, and grow volumes, and then sell equity at prices that seem like fantasy come true. This has obviously stressed on the need to grow branches, borrowers and volumes. Start-ups with 2-3 years history claim to have built hundred thousand borrowers in a short span of time.

    Also, larger players need to constantly maintain the earnings per share that they had projected when they attracted capital. This would mean they constantly need to continue growing. Penetration rates in a certain geographical market reach saturation after a while –forcing them to search for new geographical regions, including those that are already being served. The result is what is obvious today – there are multiple MFIs operating in a single village, all scouting for the borrower’s thumb impressions.

    Extremely laudable developmental work is being done by smaller and medium MFIs, particularly the NGOs and developmental bodies in small places scattered all over rural India. However, the pressure to grow the book size on the larger entities has pushed them to compete with these small and medium MFIs, including the NGOs. Obviously, larger scale brings economies and efficiencies that smaller players find it difficult to cope up with.

    The result is – the marker is soon getting into the “whales or minnows” mode, which have looked alright for the corporate arena, but microfinance, at least for the sake of argument, might have been a different field. If financial inclusion is the very promise of microfinance, the whales-or-minnows scenario is a move towards concentration, which is very unlike the inclusion theme that microfinance carries.

    For small and medium MFIs, institutionalization, corporatisation and operational efficiency is the need of the hour.

  • March 20th, 2010 at 8:06 am, KI ()

    Good morning everyone,
    I am currently doing my thesis about Microcredit as a double-face investment in developing countries.

    I would like to ask some questions and I would really appreciate your participation as I really value your answers

    Is Microcredit suitable for everyone?
    Do you have to be an entrepreneur?
    Do you need to have your basic needs covered? The program Grameen has for the struggling members, offering a 0 per cent interest rate. Can that be considered as social business? Is that charity?

    Do women have a real empowerment? Do they totally control the loan received?

    Is Microcredit a long-term solution to alleviate poverty?
    With money you can reach health, education levels…Isn´t it the basis?

    Thank you very much for your participation

  • March 25th, 2010 at 11:41 am, Matt R ()

    Your comments regarding the fact that microfinance helps people deal with poverty reflect my experience exactly. I’ve been working with a community bank in Costa Rica for the past year and a half. While only a few of our borrowers have been able to use their loans to start new income-generating activities, many have been able to better handle urgent needs (medical expenses, for example) because of the bank.

  • March 28th, 2010 at 10:54 am, KI ()

    Thank you very much for answering!
    Shouldn’t the make ask for more requirements before giving a loan?
    I mean, detailed information of what they plan to do, etc

  • May 10th, 2010 at 8:04 am, Chris G ()

    Thank you for the reality check on microfinance. I agree that it can be a tool for development, but that it’s not necessarily a silver bullet. It is important to demystify microfinance and ensure there’s better understanding of what it can and cannot do.

    For those of you interested in further exploring microfinance and the concept of “lending” through photography, visit http://www.lendalens.com and enter the photography competition on “lending.”

  • May 18th, 2010 at 5:02 pm, Nana Yaw ()

    Very interesting insights into the whole issue of microfinance. I am of the opinion that microfinance has swayed from it’s original focus. The poor have been sidelined for the middle income group in order to provide faster returns to shareholders.
    I am currently working on a project titled ‘Microfinance as an empowerment ordisempowerment tool for the poor’. Your comments and any insights u may have on this topic are most welcome.

  • November 18th, 2010 at 5:26 am, Borrowing from Facebook: New Directions in Microfinance | Microfinance Horizon ()

    [...] than 4% of people in either category ever admitted this to their bank. Richard Rosenberg, of CGAP, declares: “I think an honest appraisal of the current state of the evidence is that we simply do not know [...]

  • December 8th, 2010 at 7:48 pm, Borrowing from Facebook: New Directions in Microfinance | Triple Pundit: People, Planet, Profit ()

    [...] than 4% of people in either category ever admitted this to their bank. Richard Rosenberg, of CGAP, declares: “I think an honest appraisal of the current state of the evidence is that we simply do not [...]

  • December 11th, 2010 at 11:58 pm, Qazi Nazrul Huque ()

    Microcredit is pure banking. Under conventional banking loans are given to those who are in less need for loans (i.e. the rich), while under micro lending loans are given to the most needy. The difference is only in procedures (collateral and non-collateral, individual and collective responsibility etc.). If the rich can benefit from bank loans then why can’t the poor while the processes of investment and income are same for both in a market economy? In fact, by microcredit Professor Yunus has put the banking system – which was so far standing on its head – on its very foot by ensuring bank loans for the poor, who are majority of the population and who need loans more than the rich.

  • December 15th, 2010 at 1:35 am, Qazi Nazrul Huque ()

    A microcredit program may tend to destroy itself. All microcredit programs, for obvious reasons, try to ensure sustainability and this requires covering expenses by interest income. But if a program tends to charge too much on the borrowers and borrowers have to pay for inefficiencies of the program (e.g. too high staff salary, too many staff etc.), the program is in danger. Lending should always be used to help borrowers earn from it, not as means to earn profit for the program.

  • January 5th, 2011 at 6:56 pm, John Macgregor ()

    Today’s New York Times article on microcredit echoes many of the themes we were discussing last year:

    http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/06/business/global/06micro.html?_r=1&ref=global-home

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